Revocation of Istanbul mayor’s diploma ignites political crisis: Can Imamoglu still run?

Istanbul University’s recent decision to revoke the diploma of Ekrem Imamoglu, Istanbul’s opposition mayor and a potential presidential candidate, has ignited a firestorm in Turkish politics. 

The university’s board cited alleged irregularities in his 1990s-era transfer from another institution as the basis for nullifying his degree. Alongside Imamoglu, the diplomas of 27 others who transferred during the same period were also canceled. 

Pro-government commentators argue that Istanbul University’s decision can be overturned by the administrative court and that Imamoglu should not turn it into a “victim narrative.”

They also note that the Imamoglu camp cannot explain the “mysterious” transfer from a university in Northern Cyprus, which accepts students with low scores, to Istanbul University, a prestigious university in Türkiye.

Pro-government pundits note that during the time of the transfer, Türkiye did not officially recognize the university in Northern Cyprus he attended, alleging that the process involved bribery because of his wealthy background.

However, critics argue the move is politically motivated, timed to undermine Imamoglu’s candidacy ahead of the opposition’s primary elections.

Some experts, like Seren Selvin Korkmaz, interpret the decision as part of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party)’s effort to marginalize the main opposition party, the Republican People’s Party (CHP). However, it remains unclear whether such political restrictions will once again strengthen Imamoglu, or achieve their alleged goal. The mayor’s team likens the diploma controversy to the 2019 election rerun, which backfired by boosting his popularity. 

Behind the decision

Some opposition figures have dismissed the revocation as legally baseless. Under Turkish administrative law, individuals cannot be held responsible for institutional errors. If there were procedural flaws in Imamoglu’s transfer, responsibility lies with the university—not the student. Furthermore, the principle of ‘acquired rights’ protects degrees earned in good faith, barring retroactive punishment after decades of public service.

Istanbul University, one of Türkiye’s oldest academic institutions, now faces accusations of bending to political pressure while defending their justifications lawfully.

The decision arrives amid Imamoglu’s rising prominence as a challenger to President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. CHP recently scheduled a March 23 primary to formalize his candidacy, a move seen as dividing opposition momentum. 

Ankara Mayor Mansur Yavas’ move

CHP leaders have rallied behind Imamoglu, framing the decision as an assault on democracy. Party chair Ozgur Ozel called the revocation a “stain on Istanbul University’s history” and vowed to fight it legally. 

Ankara Mayor Mansur Yavas, another key opposition figure, suspended his own presidential bid in solidarity, declaring, “We will not remain silent against this injustice.”

Public reactions are polarized. While government-aligned media defend the move in reference to the law, others see it as a proof of anxiety over Imamoglu’s appeal. 

Imamoglu warns of broader consequences: if a decades-old diploma can be weaponized, no citizen’s credentials are safe. This precedent risks destabilizing civil servants, academics, and professionals nationwide.

At a time when international actors are dealing with internal crises, the widespread use of such autocratic actions seems to have been taken advantage of by the government.

Scenarios after the decision against Ekrem Imamoglu

Imamoglu’s legal team has already dismissed the revocation as “void,” citing procedural overreach. They argue only the university senate—not its administrative board—holds authority to cancel degrees. A protracted court battle is expected, with appeals likely reaching constitutional chambers.

Politically, Imamoglu remains defiant, continuing campaign rallies ahead of the CHP primary. Should legal barriers persist, analysts speculate CHP could pivot to Mansur Yavas, though his alignment with Imamoglu strengthens the opposition’s united front.

For now, the crisis has galvanized Imamoglu’s base, framing him as a martyr resisting authoritarian overreach. As one voter remarked, “In Türkiye, the oppressed often prevail—but only if they refuse to stay silent.”

If a stay of execution is not granted, one of the previously discussed scenarios involved Imamoglu’s wife entering the race on an official level. This way, Imamoglu could still effectively govern, voters could cast their ballots in the name of Imamoglu, and the ban could be rendered meaningless.

A more radical scenario involves a CHP election boycott, which would cripple the vote’s legitimacy but carry significant risks. 

If Imamoglu remains out of the race because of the diploma decision, the challenge to the government through Yavas is one of the most likely scenarios, but it comes with other types of disadvantages.

Exactly what will happen will be determined by the strategies between the power struggles.

Impact on opposition strategy

The move against Imamoglu is part of a wider pattern of legal pressure on opposition figures and media organizations. Recently, prominent journalists associated with the opposition, such as Ismail Saymaz and Ece Unal, have faced legal scrutiny.

The opposition now faces a critical juncture. The decision to revoke Imamoglu’s diploma could disrupt CHP’s primary election process, potentially reshaping the party’s strategy ahead of the next national elections.