Tensions rise between Türkiye, Iran over Tehran’s ill-advised policies in Syria
Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan (L) and Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi (R) shake hands (Collage prepared by Türkiye Today)
Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan’s remarks regarding Iran’s regional policies have sparked diplomatic tensions between Ankara and Tehran.
In response, Iran summoned Türkiye’s ambassador, while Türkiye reciprocated by summoning Iran’s charge d’affaires in Ankara.
How did tensions start?
During an interview with Al Jazeera, Hakan Fidan criticized Iran’s reliance on militias for its foreign policy, calling it a dangerous approach that needs to change. He warned, “If you try to create unrest in a third country, other countries may support groups within your own country to disturb you.”
Following these remarks, Iran’s Foreign Ministry summoned Turkish Ambassador Hicabi Kirlangic and conveyed its concerns. Iranian officials labeled Fidan’s statements as “misinterpretations and baseless analyses” that could harm bilateral relations.
Türkiye’s retaliatory move
In response to Iran’s actions, Türkiye summoned Iran’s charge d’affaires in Ankara. Turkish Foreign Ministry spokesperson Oncu Keceli criticized Iranian officials for making public remarks against Türkiye, stating that such issues should be addressed through diplomatic channels.
“Foreign policy matters should never be used as domestic political tools. We prefer to communicate our concerns directly, and that is the approach we followed today,” Keceli emphasized.
Türkiye supports stability in Syria post-Assad Syria
While Türkiye advocates for a stable and unified Syria, Iran is seeking to regain its lost influence after the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime. To achieve this, Tehran has been utilizing Iran-backed militia groups. In recent months, Iranian clerics in cities like Latakia and Tartus have been inciting the local population, fueling sectarian tensions.
Iran also played a key role in shifting the power dynamic in the Middle East by supplying the PKK surface-to-air missiles with which the terrorist group reportedly downed multiple Turkish unmanned aerial vehicles both in Syria and Iraq. Iran usually supplies these missiles using PKK-allied Sulaymaniyah, led by PUK under Bafel Talabani.
On Jan. 9, a significant meeting took place that underscored Iran’s shifting position in Syria. Esmael Qaani, the commander of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Quds Force, met with Mazloum Abdi, the ringleader of the PKK-affiliated YPG terrorist organization, at Talabani’s residence in Sulaymaniyah, Iraq.
This meeting highlights Iran’s declining influence in Syria and the YPG’s increasing anxiety about a possible U.S. withdrawal from the region.
Iran’s official response
Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmail Baghaei defended Tehran’s policies in a statement on social media platform X, claiming that Iran has always pursued principled foreign policies.
“It would be a grave mistake to overlook the overt and covert influence of the U.S. and Israel in the region. As the Turkish Foreign Minister himself stated, ‘The region must free itself from the dominance of any single nation—be it Arabs, Turks, Kurds, or Iranians.’ But what about Israel?” Baghaei asked.
He further claimed that after Turkish-backed groups nearly captured Damascus, Israel carried out large-scale airstrikes on Syrian military and research facilities, destroying over 90% of them. According to Baghaei, Israel took advantage of the situation to reoccupy the Golan Heights and seize control of Syria’s strategic water resources.
Baghaei insisted that Iran has never pursued regional hegemony and that its primary concern is supporting the Palestinian cause. He stated, “Had it not been for the betrayals from within, no one would be discussing the forced displacement of Gazans or the annexation of the West Bank today.”
Hakan Fidan’s perspective
Fidan argued that Iran’s militia-based foreign policy comes at a high cost, stating: “Iran has had to sacrifice far more than it has gained in Iraq and Syria. While these policies may seem effective in the short term, they impose long-term structural burdens on Iran itself and the region.”
Regarding concerns that Iran might support the PKK/YPG, Fidan warned: “If you try to destabilize another country by supporting certain groups, others may do the same to you. Nothing remains hidden in today’s world. If you don’t want your own windows broken, don’t throw stones at others’ windows.”
Speaking to the BBC, Middle East expert Dr. Paul Salem highlighted Iran’s diminishing influence in Syria and its struggles to regain ground.
“The fall of Assad would have been a major blow to Iran, as Syria served as a crucial conduit for arms shipments to its ally Hezbollah. Right now, Iran is unable to restore its influence in Syria. However, if the transitional government fails and internal conflicts reignite, Iran could exploit the situation by supporting certain armed factions against others,” Salem explained.
He further noted, “Iran thrives in failed states. If Syria collapses into another wave of internal conflict, Tehran will surely find a way back in.”
This is not the first time that a Turkish authority voiced criticism on Tehran’s stance on PKK/YPG terrorist organization. In May 2024, Turkish Defense Minister Yasar Guler told a Turkish newspaper that Iran had not been cooperative with Ankara in its fight against the PKK, despite Türkiye’s efforts to monitor the group’s movements and inform Tehran.
“Unfortunately, our Iranian friends do not regard PKK terrorists in the same way as we do,” Guler said. “We say, ‘Look, brother, the PKK is here, in that house, this is the address where they are staying,’ and after a short while, the answer comes, ‘Sir, we researched that address, there is no such person.’ Of course, this is not acceptable.”
Iran denies turning a blind eye to the PKK’s movements and activities. The Qandil Mountains, part of which lies inside Iran, serve as the PKK’s main stronghold in northern Iraq. According to Turkish officials, senior cadres of the PKK have survived Turkish airstrikes by taking refuge on the Iranian side.
In the past Iranian proxy groups, including Hezbollah in Idlib, have been seen fighting against Türkiye on the field. There were even instances where terrorist group members were seen raising Iranian flags in order to prevent being targeted by Turkish airstrikes.
Tensions in Türkiye-Iran relations
Türkiyeand Iran have been regional rivals for decades, with Syria as a key battleground, said Middle East Eye’s Ragip Soylu.
The ousting of Bashar al-Assad in December significantly shifted the power dynamics in the country, strengthening Ankara’s position while weakening Iran’s influence, he added.
Now, following a complete change in the dynamics in Syria after 13 years, Türkiye has found itself in a “playmaker” position after the victory of the opposition it has supported since the start of the civil war.
Iran and Russia, on the other hand, were on the “losing side,” so to speak. Given its proximity to Syria, Tehran must realize that it’s time to make peace and stop using armed proxy forces as a tool of foreign policy.
Given the fact that Iran is also going through a rough patch due to U.S. sanctions and pressures from Israel, especially after losing its proxy group Hezbollah’s leadership in Lebanon, it may be time to settle down and have an open dialogue with its neighbors.
PKK also established a presence on Iranian soil with its ringleaders seeking a “safe heaven” there. Türkiye is moving forward with its counterterrorism efforts against the PKK’s long-running terrorist campaign.
In the last days of February, the PKK’s ringleader called the group to lay down its arms and disband the group. PJAK, known as the Iranian wing of the PKK, had also announced that they would comply with PKK ringleader Abdullah Ocalan’s call to lay down arms, especially given the recent changes in Türkiye.
The latest diplomatic spat between Türkiye and Iran reflects a broader power struggle over Syria’s future. While Türkiye supports a stable and unified Syrian government, Iran is working to reassert its influence through proxy groups.
The next steps taken by both nations will shape not only their bilateral relations but also the geopolitical landscape of the region.
